The inauguration took on added significance as rebel
Libyan Field Marshall Khalifa Haftar, backed by United Arab Emirates crown
prince Mohammed bin Zayed and Egyptian general-turned-president Abdul Fattah
al-Sisi,snubbed Russian president Vladimir Putinby refusing to agree to a ceasefire in the
Libyan war.
Mr. Haftar’s refusal thwarted, at least temporarily,
an effort by Mr. Putin and Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan to structure
the ceasefire so that it would align opposing Russian and Turkish interests,
allow the two parties to cooperate in the exploitation of Libya’s energy
resources, and protect aTurkish-Libyan maritime agreement
creating an Exclusive Economic Zonethat
strengthens Russian-backed Turkish manoeuvres in the eastern Mediterranean.
Critics charge that the maritime agreement that would
limit Greek-Cypriot Israeli access to hydrocarbons in the Eastern
Mediterranean,violates the Law of the Sea.
Warning that it wouldblock European Union backing for any
Libyan peace dealas long as the
Turkish-Libyan maritime agreement was in place, Greece was one of the countries
Mr. Haftar visited in the days between his rejection of a ceasefire and a
conference on Libya hosted by Germany that is scheduled to be held in Berlin on
January 19.
Mr. Haftar’s rejection came asTurkish troops arrived in Libyato bolster forces of the internationally
recognized government of prime minister Fayez al-Sarraj defending the capital
Tripoli against an eight-month old assault by the field marshal’s rebel Libyan
National Army (LNA) that is backed by Russian mercenaries with close ties to
the Kremlin, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt.
Prince Mohammed’s presence at the inauguration of the
Egyptian naval base underlined theUAE’s influence in Egyptsince it backed Mr. Al-Sisi’s 2013 military coup that
toppled the country’s first and only democratic elected president and the
Emirates’ determination to counter Islamist forces as well asTurkish influence in Libya and the Horn
of Africa.
UAE and Egyptian backing of Mr. Haftar is not just
about countering jihadist and non-jihadist Islamists as well as Turkey, but
also Qatar, Turkey’s ally, which also supports the Libyan rebels.
The UAE-Turkish-Qatari proxy war in Libya is
increasingly also coloured by Prince Mohammed and Mr. Al-Sisi’s opposition to
efforts to resolve divisions among the Gulf states that spilled into the open
with the declaration of a Saudi-UAE-led diplomatic and economic boycott of
Qatar in 2017.
Saudi Arabia has hinted in recent months that it may
beamenable to an easing of the boycott, a move that is believed to be opposed by the UAE as
long as Qatar does not make significant concessions on issues like freewheeling
broadcaster Al Jazeera and support for political Islam.
The new naval base’s location symbolizes Egypt’s
conundrum that also poses a problem for the UAE at a time that Egypt is at odds
with Ethiopia over the operation of a giant dam that Ethiopia is building on
the Blue Nile.
Stepping up involvement in Libya risks Egypt becoming
embroiled in two conflicts at the same time.
So far, Egypt is banking on mediation helping it avoiding
being trapped between a rock and a hard place by achieving a ceasefire in Libya
that would keep Egypt’s hands free to deal with Ethiopia were a conflict to
erupt.
The question is whether Mr. Haftar, who without
signing the ceasefire agreement reportedly told German officials that hewould adhere to its terms, and the UAE are willing to play ball.
The proof will be in the pudding. German Chancellor
Angela Merkel raised the stakes by insisting in advance of the Berlin talks
that they ensure “that the weapons embargo is adhered to again.”
The United Nations has accused the UAE together with several
other countries, including Turkey, of violating the UN embargo.
As a result, it may be the UAE rather than Mr. Haftar
who has a decisive voice in Berlin.
Dr. James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, an adjunct senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute and co-director of the University of Wuerzburg’s Institute of Fan Culture.