Last month’s Islamic summit in Malaysia failed to
challenge with a bang Saudi influence in the Islamic world and Muslim silence
about repression of adherents to the faith in countries like China and India.
Yet, it has produced ripples that spotlight the risks and fragility of
opportunistic acquiescence.
“Despite failing to achieve its immediate objective,
the Kuala Lumpur summit has galvanized a stronger response by the OIC and the Gulf
Arab states on issues affecting Muslims in India and, to a lesser
extent, China,’ said Hasan AlHasan, a scholar who focuses on Gulf-South Asia
relations, referring by its initials to the Organization of Islamic
Cooperation.
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates successfully
pressured Muslim countries like Pakistan and Indonesia to boycott the Kuala
Lumpur gathering because it was organized beyond the auspices of the
Saudi-dominated, Riyadh-based OIC, the usual organizer of Islamic summits.
The Gulf states were also worried that expressions of
concern about the plight of Chinese Muslims would spotlight their adoption of
aspects of China’s developing Orwellian surveillance state that has been most
comprehensive in the crackdown in Xinjiang.
More fundamentally, the Kuala Lumpur summit, supported
by countries like Turkey, Iran and Qatar as well as Islamist groups such as the
Muslim Brotherhood, highlighted the struggle for leadership of the Islamic
world as well as Malaysia’s strained ties with key Gulf states.
Breaches in Saudi and UAE-led efforts to prevent the
plight of their co-religionists from disrupting relations with India and China
are however emerging and could be widened by a suggestion by India’s top military commander that
Kashmiris be interned in ‘de-radicalization camps’ after Prime
Minister Narendra Modi withdrew Kashmir’s status as the country’s only Muslim
state and imposed harsh security measures.
General Rawat’s suggestion came on the back of an amended
Indian citizenship law that made religion a criterion for refugees from
Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh but excluded Muslims as well as a Supreme
Court decision that was widely seen as favouring Hindus in a dispute over the
site of a destroyed mosque in Ajodhya in Uttar Pradesh that Hindus believe was
the birthplace of one of their most revered deities.
If implemented, General Rawat’s suggestion would make
it more difficult for Muslim states to not only turn a blind eye to what is
happening in India but also to the crackdown in China.
Acquiescent Muslim states are already under pressure
from Pakistan that is seeking to extract a price for dropping its original
support of the Kuala Lumpur summit by pushing the Islamic world to speak out
about Kashmir, popular pressure in some Gulf states, and mounting anti-Chinese
sentiment in various Central Asian nations.
Similarly, the UAE appeared to be acknowledging
Indonesia’s decision not to send vice president Ma’ruf Amin, a senior member of
Nahdlatul Ulema, with 50 million followers the world’s largest Muslim
organization, to Kuala Lumpur with pledges of US$23 billion in investments.
Efforts by a majority of Muslim states to ignore the
plight of their co-religionists may however be built on ice that is melting
beyond the OIC concession to discuss Kashmir.
At the same time, Muhyiddin Junaidi of the Indonesian
Council of Ulema, the country’s top clerical body and one of a number of Muslim
leaders invited by China to Xinjiang in a bid to convince them that reports of
a crackdown were inaccurate, called on the government to more openly denounce
Chinese policy.
Standing up for endangered and disenfranchised Muslim
and non-Muslim minorities is a litmus test for Nahdlatul Ulema, which has
launched a global effort to promote a recontextualization of Islam as well as a
humanitarian interpretation of the faith that emphasizes human rights.
Pressure to speak out about anti-Muslim policies in
China and India could put steps by various Gulf and Central Asian nations to
adopt aspects of the surveillance system adopted by China in the firing line.
Saudi Arabia and the UAE have been accused of deploying
surveillance software to monitor the communications of regime critics in
country and abroad as well as activists and journalists.
The system would determine what benefits a citizen is
entitled to, including access to credit, high speed internet service and
fast-tracked visas for travel based on data garnered from millions of cameras
in public places, social media and online shopping data as well as scanning of
irises and content on mobile phones at random police checks.
China has already begun to make deployment of its
intrusive surveillance systems a pre-condition for investment in Central Asia.
In some cases, China appears willing to supply the infrastructure at no cost as part
of a Smart City project developed by controversial telecom giant Huawei for
initial roll-out in former Soviet states.
Liu Jiaxing, head of Huawei’s representative office in
Uzbekistan, disclosed China’s insistence on adopting its surveillance approach
in an interview with an Uzbek news outlet. “Investors will only go where the situation is stable.
In view of this, the implementation of the Safe City project is very important
for Uzbekistan as it will help the country develop its investment potential,”
Mr. Liu said.
James M. Dorsey
Dr. James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, an adjunct senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute and co-director of the University of Wuerzburg’s Institute of Fan Culture.